The imperialist war in light of international developments


New Communist Party of the Netherlands

 In recent years, there has been an increase in international conflicts and wars. For instance with the escalation of the war in Ukraine, and the increasing tensions in Eastern Europe, the Balkan and the Caucasus. The escalation of conflicts in the Middle East and the genocide against the Palestinian people that is committed by the Israelian state. The increasing tensions in Taiwan, the South China Sea and other areas in Asia. The (armed) conflicts in Africa and other parts of the world. These wars cost the lives of thousands of people. Millions are displaced and forced to flee their homes.

The Dutch state is involved in many of these international conflicts and wars. It spends billions on armament for Ukraine and Israël. Military spending is increased to reach the NATO-norm of 2% of GDP. The discussion about conscription is raised, while the military advertises in schools to attract the youth. With the intensification of the competition and the antagonisms between imperialist powers, the question of peace is becoming more urgent. In this article we will outline very briefly the NCPN’s view on imperialist wars and their cause, the current developments in the realignments in the international correlation of forces, and the role of the Dutch bourgeoisie in imperialist competition and wars. The NCPN’s view on this issue was extensively discussed at a party conference in June 2023, which provides the basis for the view outlined in this article.

The roots of imperialist wars

When assessing a war, it is important to determine which class wages the war, for what purpose and in which stage of history. The bourgeoisie can come up with countless pretexts for a war, such as self-defence, defending minorities, combating terrorists, fascists or fundamentalists etc., defending democracy etc. To understand the real cause of imperialist wars, however, it is necessary to look past these pretexts and understand that at the base of contemporary developments in the imperialist system and international relations lie certain economic developments.

The causes of imperialist wars lie in the interests of the exploiters, who fight among themselves for control of raw materials, transport routes, markets and spheres of influence. Imperialist wars are the result of the capitalist system that has profit as its highest good. When necessary to secure the profits of big business, capitalist states do not hesitate to sacrifice the blood of their inhabitants on the altar of profit.

Imperialist war, as a means to redivide territories and control over resources, markets, spheres of influence and transport routes, is an essential characteristic of imperialism. The laws of capitalist development itself objectively and necessarily tend to create the conditions for international conflicts and their escalation to wars.

For instance, the law of uneven development applies to the capitalist development of the economy, by which the strengthening of one capitalist economy at the expense of another influences the international correlation of forces between capitalist states and imperialist alliances. This intensifies the competition between capitalist states.

The bourgeoisie of countries that develop faster economically will need control over additional resources to support their economic growth, as well as control over transport routes and markets to sell their commodities, to export capital etc. With the increase in its economic strength, the bourgeoisie of one country demands greater diplomatic and geopolitical influence as well, at the expense of the bourgeoisie of competing countries. However, the competitors will not give up their share without a fight. The law of uneven development constantly shifts the correlation of forces between the monopolies and between capitalist countries, fuelling the fierce competition amongst them.

Another factor that contributes to the sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions is that capitalist economic growth is regularly interrupted by economic crises, as in 2020. Contrary to the claims of bourgeois economists, the crisis is not an aberration of economic development under capitalism, created by external factors (such as the pandemic). On the contrary, the crisis is a law in and a necessary consequence of capitalist economic development itself. These crises affect different economies unevenly. States also differ in their capacity to mitigate the impact of capitalist economic crises. Thus, the law of uneven development also expresses itself in periods of crises, and it alters the correlation of forces.

The increase in imperialist competition is manifested in various ways. For example, in the current trend towards protectionist measures which aim to limit foreign competition in favour of parts of domestic capital that have an interest in it. This is done with import tariffs, import quotas, procedural barriers, standards set on products, sanctions, subsidies for domestic production, etc. In the process, we can observe several trade wars in which states impose sanctions and protectionist measures on each other. A typical example is the trade war between the US and China, but also the recurring tensions between the US and the EU, with sanctions against German monopolies by the US and vice versa.

However, imperialist competition is not only expressed on an economic and diplomatic level. The strengthening of one capitalist economy at the expense of the other does not happen ‘peacefully’ but provides the stage for all-out imperialist conflicts between imperialist-capitalist countries and blocs.

Imperialist countries that have an advantageous position in the international imperialist system seek to enhance their influence abroad, especially in capitalist countries that are in a lower position in the imperialist hierarchy economically, politically and militarily. When economic and diplomatic pressure is not enough, capital seeks to impose its interests through imperialist interventions and wars, opening up markets to export capital, dispelling competing monopolies, securing resources and transport routes etc. This can be concretely seen in the example of the many imperialist interventions on behalf of the United States, of NATO, and therefore also of Dutch capital in countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, and so on, where the interests of Euro-Atlantic capital clashed with the interests of competing monopolies (for instance Russian capital) that are active in these countries.

The necessity to compete, to obtain resources, secure transportation routes and neutralize competitors, plays an important role in the transformation of imperialist competition into imperialist wars. This shows that imperialism brings war ‘like the clouds bring rain’.

Realignments and sharpening international contradictions

The wars that are currently waged around the world, cannot be understood without looking more specifically at the current evolution of the international correlation of forces. Of course, it would be impossible to provide a complete analysis within the framework of this article, but it is useful to look at some indications.

The general trend in recent decades has been the strengthening of the economic position of China in particular and, at some distance, other BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa), at the expense of the share of the US, the EU, the UK and Japan. The centre of gravity in international relations is increasingly shifting towards Asia. That is where the majority of the world's population (i.e. labour force) lives and it is rich in countless resources. Asia's share of global GDP therefore increasingly overshadows the respective contribution of other continents.

Competition between the US and China increasingly takes the centre stage in international contradictions. Chinese monopolies export capital to many parts of the world where US capital previously dominated. This export of capital takes place, for example, through the so-called ‘One Belt, One Road’ and other projects involving huge investments by Chinese monopolies in Asia, Africa, South and Central America and Europe. The investments are focused mainly on infrastructure, energy and telecommunications, but also other sectors. These projects secure raw materials and markets for Chinese capital.

Based on the realignments in the international correlation of forces, which, as mentioned, are necessarily taking place as a result of the law of uneven development and other factors, international contradictions are sharpening over redistribution of control over raw materials, transport routes, markets and also territories.

Competition between the US and China is intensifying. This is increasingly playing a central role in international contradictions. The US military is therefore increasingly turning its eyes to the Indian and Pacific Oceans, a region where the US has a host of military bases and naval ports. This US ‘Pivot to Asia’ was proclaimed under the Obama administration in 2011. The objectives were also proclaimed to strengthen the presence of the US armed forces and especially the US Navy in the region. More specifically to deploy the majority of the US Navy's strength to the Pacific region. The US expresses concern that China, meanwhile, has a larger navy than the US (in number of ships), as well as threatens to gain the upper hand in ballistic missiles, air defence systems, etc. China has constantly increased military spending in recent years, opening its first overseas base in Djibouti in 2017.

Expressions of this orientation of the US are also the military alliances the US has entered into in recent years. A political and military alliance was (re)established with Australia, Japan and India (Quad) in 2017. Together with Australia and the UK, the US proclaimed the creation of AUKUS on 15 September 2021, one month after the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan. This includes an economic, political and military alliance, clearly aimed at competing against China. The deal struck by the US with the Taliban and the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan should also be interpreted in the context of the rearrangement of US priorities, based on its strategic interests.

The UK and France, whose capital also has a lot of trade and investment in Asia and sees opportunities there, are also developing their military presence and diplomatic relations in that region.

The South China Sea, through which about a third of global maritime transport passes, is also an important stage. In this region, ASEAN plays an important role. This is an economic and political union of 10 countries in Southeast Asia. ASEAN has had a free trade zone with China since November 2002 and also maintains relations with the US, Russia and the EU.

Russia, about which there can be no doubt that it is now a capitalist country and part of the international imperialist system, plays an important role in inter-imperialist antagonisms. If we look at the size of its economy, it is a country with strong monopolies in energy, heavy industry, new technologies, etc., ranking 5th in billionaires worldwide, despite some weaknesses. It has a relatively high diplomatic influence and military clout. With its military intervention in Syria, following the US-led intervention, Russia managed to thwart its competitors’ plans in favour of Russian capital’s interests in the region.

The major contradictions between the US, NATO and EU on the one hand, and Russia and its allies on the other, are also reflected in developments in Eastern Europe. The escalation of the imperialist war in Ukraine, which killed thousands and displaced millions, followed the built-up tensions, including the reactionary coup, the association agreement with the EU and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014.

In the relationship between the US and the EU, especially Germany, competition and antagonisms are increasing. This expressed itself, among other things, in the collapse of negotiations for a free trade treaty (TTIP) in 2019, but also in protectionist measures and sanctions against each other's monopolies. At the same time, there are also renewed attempts at closer cooperation in the face of competition against China, as well as Russia and other blocs, for instance through strengthening NATO.

Within the EU, however, there are also numerous contradictions. These emerge during stalled negotiations on a variety of issues. Different parts of capital have an interest in more or less EU integration in each member state. There is a noticeable trend of bourgeois euroscepticism, expressing parts of the bourgeoisie that have an interest in less intensive cooperation or in some cases even leaving the EU, often because they want to keep the door open to cooperation with competing power blocs or because it is more advantageous for other reasons.

Obviously, these are just some indications. The international situation is constantly evolving and very complex. In general, the shifting international correlation of forces between capitalist countries and imperialist blocs, result in the sharpening of international contradictions and the problems caused by the over-accumulation of capital. The current wars and imperialist interventions are related to these realignments and contradictions, and carry within them the risk of a more generalized imperialist war.

The role of the Dutch bourgeoisie in the imperialist conflicts and the example of Ukraine

Dutch capital is actively involved in these inter-imperialist contradictions. It participates in imperialist alliances such as the EU and NATO, within which the Dutch bourgeoisie tries to strengthen its position and promote its interests. The Netherlands is increasingly involved in military interventions, mostly in the framework of NATO or the EU. Spending on ‘defence’ has almost doubled in a few years to 21,4 billion euros. [1] The aim is to secure the interests of Dutch big business abroad and expand its influence. In doing so, the Dutch state particularly interferes in the Caribbean, where Dutch colonies still exist as remnants of the colonial system. However, the Dutch bourgeoisie has set its eyes on Ukraine now as well, as part of their alignment with NATO and EU interests.

The outbreak of imperialist war in Ukraine is the result of escalating antagonisms between different imperialist powers. Two peoples who once lived together peacefully under the socialist Soviet Union are now facing each other in a bloody war. From both sides, both on the part of the reactionary Ukrainian government and its NATO allies, and on the part of the capitalist Russian Federation, false pretexts are put forward to justify the imperialist war. But essentially, the war on both sides is an imperialist war waged for the interests of the monopolies.

The Dutch bourgeoisie has a great stake in defending the reactionary Ukrainian government and the interests of the Euroatlantic imperialist bloc to which it belongs and within which it tries to promote its own strategic goals. To this end it also commits extensive financial resources. Let us look at what the Dutch bourgeois state tells us proudly what it is doing to ‘help’ Ukraine,

In 2023, the Dutch bourgeoisie committed €200 million guarantee to the EU budget for Macro-Financial Assistance (MFA). In addition, Ukraine is set to receive a €200 million loan through the International Monetary Fund, a €100 million guarantee through the World Bank, and €27.5 million through the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). The Dutch bourgeoisie contributed €90 million via the World Bank's Ukraine Relief Trust Fund, €72 million via the EBRD for the Ukrainian energy distributor Ukrenergo, and €18 million for the supply of electricity grid components.

A significant portion of the so-called ‘aid to Ukraine’, amounting to €65 million, is allocated for the Dutch and Ukrainian business community. This includes €50 million for infrastructure rehabilitation and €15 million to support small and medium-sized enterprises. Further reconstruction efforts involve a €1 million contribution via the Association of Dutch Municipalities for plans in Cherson, Odessa, and Mykolajiv.

On the military front, crucially, a monumental €2.63 billion worth of supplies, weapons, military vehicles and other military goods have been delivered to Ukraine by the Dutch state so far. This includes dozens of tanks, F-16 fighter aircrafts, patriots and other missile systems, over 1000 military vehicles, and much more. [2]

Only in 2023, €1.6 billion was designated for direct supplies, purchase of military goods, and contributions to the International Fund for Ukraine and NATO Trust Fund. [3] In 2024, the total amount of financial support will reach another €2 billion, in line with the promises to NATO. The state will also make €102 million available for ‘humanitarian support’, recovery and reconstruction for the first four months of 2024. €89 million will also be released for accountability, including for costs related to the future accommodation of a special ‘Ukraine tribunal’.

The economic and political support of the Dutch bourgeois state is not done out of ‘charity’ for the Ukrainian people, who became a victim of the imperialist blocs and their reactionary government. The interest of the Dutch monopolies in particular in ‘rebuilding’ Ukraine lies in the enormous profitability of this new market for construction. Undoubtedly, Dutch companies see Ukraine as an object for profitable capital export. The Dutch bourgeois state, as the ‘universal capitalist’ supports them wholeheartedly in this effort.

Dutch companies can apply for a grant if they want to do a project together with a Ukrainian organisation. In the so-called Partnership Fund, there is €25 million for grants of five hundred thousand to five million euros for Dutch companies and ‘civil society organisations’ that want to cooperate in recovery and reconstruction. In addition, €60 million of export credit (export credit insurance covers the risk of a buyer not paying, ed.) is available.

Ukraine's economy is relatively small but has a highly educated population. The country has a lot of agricultural land and around 40 million inhabitants. As a result, there are many opportunities for Dutch companies, especially in the agricultural sector and logistics (transport, equipment), but also in port development. About 250 Dutch companies are currently active in Ukraine.

The bulk of the cooperation agreement consists of agreements that are meant to smoothen trade with the imperialist EU, with the creation of a free trade zone. Trade barriers will disappear as Ukraine adapts to European rules and lowers import tariffs, for example. This will save European companies around €390 million a year. Dutch companies will get better access to a large market of 40 million consumers. The Netherlands exported about €974 million to Ukraine in 2018. In 2014, the figure was about €775 million. Besides, Ukraine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, the ‘granary of Europe’. The Dutch bourgeoisie in the agricultural sector hence also seeks to profit from ‘easier’ trade with Ukraine. [4]

It is as Lenin says in his book “Imperialism”: “As long as capitalism remains what it is, surplus capital will be utilised not for the purpose of raising the standard of living of the masses in a given country, for this would mean a decline in profits for the capitalists, but for the purpose of increasing profits by exporting capital abroad to the backward countries.” [5]

On the military front, as mentioned, the Dutch ministry of Defence says:

“Direct delivery: equipment worth €1.10 billion was delivered to Ukraine from its own military stocks. This is the amount the equipment was worth at the time of delivery (the book value). Since it also costs money to replenish or replace the delivered goods, the total cost for the Netherlands comes to €1.49 billion.

Commercial delivery: the Netherlands also bought military goods for Ukraine, at a cost of €934 million.

International Fund for Ukraine: The Netherlands paid €100 million into the International Fund for Ukraine. Military equipment for Ukraine provided directly by industry is paid from the fund.

NATO Trust Fund: the Netherlands contributes €100 million to the NATO Ukraine Comprehensive Assistance Package (UCAP). This pays for goods and provisions such as fuel, medical supplies, winter equipment and jammers to disrupt drones. This fund is for so-called non-lethal support, i.e. no weapons or weapons systems.” [6]

Military goods amount to:

“T-72 tanks (60 pieces), YPR armoured tracked vehicles including for salvage and lessons (207 pieces), Fennek reconnaissance vehicles and Viking tracked vehicles. Leopard 1 tanks jointly with Denmark and Germany (at least 100 pieces), Leopard 2A4 tanks jointly with Denmark (14 pieces), PzH2000 armoured howitzers (8 pieces) and 120mm mortars. Air defence systems such as Patriot launchers (2 pieces), Patriot air defence missiles, MR-2 mobile anti-aircraft guns (100 pieces), Bofors 40L70 40mm anti-aircraft guns (20 pieces), VERA-NG systems (4 pieces), missiles and missile systems for air defence and drone control, such as the Stinger. And F-16 fighter aircrafts.” [7]

In addition to the financial support and armaments delivery, the Dutch armed forces contribute to training of Ukrainian military. Furthermore, the Dutch state has sent fighter jets, navy ships and military to eastern Europe in the framework of NATO.

Perhaps the information above speaks for itself. But it is clear that the Dutch bourgeoisie is dragging the Dutch people, the Dutch working class, along with it in its dangerous EU-NATO plans in order to consolidate their profits. To this end, it is willing to sacrifice everything, including the people’s safety and livelihoods. Only the NCPN opposes their plans, without any reformist illusions or illusions pertaining to capitalist Russia in this bloody imperialist conflict.

We should note that the Dutch government and Dutch monopolies also provide (military) support to Israël, including reserve parts of F-35 fighters that are used in the genocide against the Palestinian people.

The struggle for peace and socialism

The current developments show the need for the struggle for peace, the struggle against the elimination of the causes that give rise to imperialist wars and the overthrow of capitalist exploitation. The NCPN will continue to support initiatives against imperialist wars and interventions, and for peace. The Netherlands needs an organized peace movement with a class-oriented, anti-imperialist orientation.

The Dutch working class needs to oppose any participation or support of the Dutch state in imperialist wars and interventions. The NCPN opposes armament, nuclear weapons (which are stationed in the Netherlands for the US), militarization and ideas of reintroducing conscription to make the youth of the Dutch working class available as cannon fodder for the plans of Dutch big capital and NATO.

On the ideological level, we combat warmongering, chauvinism and nationalism, promoting the values of proletarian internationalism, international solidarity and friendship of peoples. We support and organize protests and international solidarity actions, for example with the people of Palestine that fight for national liberation.

The hypocrisy of pacifism must be uncovered, and it is important to reduce its influence in the so-called peace ‘movement’, i.e. the bourgeois pacifist peace lobby (such as PAX), which supports the line of the Dutch government and the imperialist alliances in which the Netherlands participates. The NCPN reveals the imperialist character and danger of imperialist alliances such as NATO and EU. The struggle of the Dutch working class must be oriented towards the withdrawal of the Netherlands from imperialist alliances, a struggle that is essentially linked to the struggle for socialism.

In the struggle for socialism lies the hope for a definitive end of all wars. As a society without capitalist exploitation, where development is not governed by the profits of the monopolies but by the needs of people, where there is no room for chauvinism, discrimination, and warmongering, socialism destroys the very causes of imperialist wars. The struggle for peace and the struggle for socialism go hand in hand.


[1] https://www.defensie.nl/onderwerpen/overdefensie/het-verhaal-van-defensie/financien

[2] https://www.defensie.nl/onderwerpen/oostflank-navo-gebied/militaire-steun-aan-oekraine

[3] https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/onderwerpen/oorlog-in-oekraine/nederlandse-hulp-voor-oekraine#anker-1-nederlandse-steun-aan-oekraine-in-2023

[4] For the official narrative of the Dutch bourgeois state concerning the “benefits” of the Assocation Agreement of the EU with Ukraine: https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/onderwerpen/associatieakkoord-oekraine/voordelen-associatieakkoord-oekraine-voor-nederland

[5] V.I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, chapter 4

[6] nhttps://www.defensie.nl/onderwerpen/oostflank-navo-gebied/militaire-steun-aan-oekraine

[7] https://www.defensie.nl/onderwerpen/oostflank-navo-gebied/militaire-steun-aan-oekraine