The dominance at planet level of capitalism as ruling mode of production imposes its rules of functioning to every country in the world. Thus the capital-labour contradiction remains the essential piece over which the capitalist system of domination and the basic gear which makes it work rest on. And, as a result, class struggle still constitutes the anatomy of contemporary capitalist societies.
As Marx proved more than one century ago, the goal of the capitalist mode of production “is not just the production of commodities, but essentially the production of surplus value”.
The conversion of capitalism to its imperialist stage just emphasises this reality. Regularly the sharpening of the own inner contradictions of the mode of production itself shakes to such point the ensemble of the system that it temporarily hinders or makes impossible to complete the cycle of enlarged reproduction, affecting as a result the collection of surplus value by the bourgeoisie. Then we are facing a crisis of capitalist overproduction. The strategy of the bourgeoisie is always the same one: One general assault on the working class.
On this key, to devalue the role of the working class in the mode of production, to hide its revolutionary nature or even to undercut its role in society is the perfect alibi the bourgeoisie needs to justify its assault. To promote its division by countries of origin or even to deny its existence as a class complete the virtuous circle of ideological manipulation.
Naturally, in order to make one manipulation strategy worthy of such name must be presented as the natural result of the current researches. On this task, the assistance of post-modernism is the essential theoretical support. Post-modernism which promises to give the so-called “new subjects” an accurate theoretical frame, as they say Marxism-Leninism is outdated and does not answer to the new reality.
The struggle against capitalism has no place in the agenda of “social activists” and instead one ocean of partial struggles, which share the denial of the working class as revolutionary subject (or even its existence); the aim to narrow reforms that “make capitalism human”; the location in the moral field – and not in the basis of the mode of production itself – of the “weaknesses” in the system (“bad businessmen”, “dishonest politicians”); and, of course, the pointing of the Communist Party as something useless and unnecessary emerge.
One of the realest practical expressions in the political sphere of post-modernism is the new social-democracy, raised as the true representative of that pleiad of “new social movements” which promise to change it all without risking anything.
In the case of Spain, the party PODEMOS has capitalised better than any other political actor the dissatisfaction and fear to proletarianisation of the petty-bourgeoisie and the middle strata (coming from the intellectuality and liberal professions), that thought their social position would be permanent after the last upward cycle of Spanish capitalism.
Its ability to generate false illusions within the working class and the popular strata influenced, like few could, in the dismantling of the workers' struggles, which had known high moments just until the emerge of the 15-M Movement and, afterwards, Podemos.
In this backflow situation in the labour movement and of weakness of the subjective factor of class struggle, the tasks of the Party have a critical importance.
The key elements over which our current tasks rest on are three: centralisation, bolshevisation and workers shift constitute the fundamental tools which the membership of the PCPE must strengthen the Party with.
Centralisation means to put democratic centralism back as the main axis of Party life and to retake the correct path, the guarantee for a unified direction of class struggle.
We understand bolshevisation as “one relentless planned attack to all the weaknesses”. Training and specialisation of cadres, strengthening of the political-ideological level of the membership, the methodical planning of Party work at all levels and the correction of organisational weaknesses are main pieces of the bolshevisation of the PCPE.
Finally, workers shift means the practical implementation of one strategy of political work which prioritises the work with the working class. The workers shift demands the presence not only in the struggles our class leads, but also in trade unions; as well as unveiling the class-oriented nature of all of the measures our class enemy puts on the table, assuming there is no room for ideological neutrality in class struggle.
Revolutionary project, leadership skill and class composition define, therefore, the class nature of our Communist Party