More than 120 years have passed since the debates of the Second Congress of the RSDLP and Lenin's writing of “What is to be done?” and other works on matters of organization and theory of the Party, which was validated by a constant process of fusion, according to Engels, of "scientific socialism with the workers' movement" in the course of the Russian revolutions of 1905 and February 1917 until the triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Soviet power and socialist construction.

This conception of the Party is a crucial contribution of Lenin that enriches Marxism, and that is an inseparable part of it, qualitatively different from the one that prevailed in the Second International, which was finally incapable of facing the advent of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, its antagonisms and wars, and with it the arrival of the epoch of social revolution.

Previously, Marx and Engels had outlined the Communist Party and its essential characteristics, as the party of the working class, as the party of the overthrow of capitalism. It is no small fact, but their first programmatic document is not called the Communist Manifesto as it is generally known, but the Manifesto of the Communist Party. [1] Although Marx and Engels were always militant and politically organized, their thought was essentially concentrated on the elaboration of the foundations of the proletarian worldview, of the materialist conception of history, and they could not devote time to the question of the theory of the Party, this did not prevent the point of the conscious element from being established and that the new mode of production that will replace that of capitalism will be from the point of view of the conscious and organized intervention of the proletariat in the development of the class struggle till the end: the conquest of revolutionary workers' power. 

The conditions of political action of the Russian Marxists led them to dedicate an ideological effort in this direction, but not only from concrete and specific conditions, but rather situating their general and universal features, for this reason the Leninist and Bolshevik theory of the Party not only resolves a vital issue of the Russian Revolution, but of the World Revolution. And this is dimensioned by the Third International and the 21 Conditions of Entry into the Comintern adopted by its Second Congress.

History enriched the experience of the role of the Party and gave us bitter lessons that must not be forgotten.

The process of dissolution of the Mexican Communist Party in 1981 is an example of this, since it was a renunciation of the struggle for socialism and the need for the Communist Party. It was not a spontaneous decision but a dissolving course that had several moments, and perhaps the first was the prolonged crisis over the drastic turn that occurred upon the return of the Mexican delegation to the Seventh Congress of the Comintern with the strategic orientation of unity at all costs that led from clashing and confrontation with the bourgeois government to the alliance with it to promote the popular front, and in labor matters, to the renunciation of the positions conquered in various union leaderships to maintain the alliance with the social democratic currents in a unified center, the Confederation of Workers of Mexico (CTM). All the work of implantation among the working masses, of building organizations and mass movements accumulated between 1924 and 1935 – despite a period of clandestinity between 1929 and 1933 – was sacrificed in favor of the unitary organizations of the Mexican Popular Front, and one of the greatest mistakes was to dilute the communist youth in the Unified Socialist Youth of Mexico, which would later be dissolved to make way for the youth of the governing Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM), a negative decision by all accounts and which did not face any opposition or discrepancy either within the Communist Youth or the Party itself; this context led to a very important number of cadres to consider the unitary organizations and the PRM itself (considered as the materialization of the Mexican popular front) to be more important, thus abandoning the ranks of the PCM; that first moment prepared the conditions for the influence of Browderism that had as a first measure the change of name from the Communist Party of Mexico to the Mexican Communist Party, and a statutory modification that, in addition to alterations to democratic centralism, led to the dissolution of the industrial and workplace cells, retaining only the territorial cells. If it did not go as far as in the cases of the parties in the United States, Cuba and Colombia, it was because of the article by J. Duclos criticizing Browder for the dissolution of the CPUSA, although there were even projects for the merger of the PCM with other groups in the so-called Socialist League of Mexico, conceived in the same sense as the Communist Political Association [2] as an ideological club, limited to study and propaganda but not to political struggle. 

These steps made it easier when in the mid-1960s, based on the platform of the XX-XXII Congress of the CPSU, a liquidatory orientation and its accelerated advance would be adopted, although there was resistance without the strength to put a stop to it. Such an orientation was not exclusively endemic but part of the opportunist current of Eurocommunism. The programmatic platform places democracy as the objective, and therefore an attack and renunciation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and also of democratic centralism and in fact went on dissolving the PCM, so that the decision to cease to be a communist party is a simple consequence of opportunist corrosion.

It was a corrosive long-term process trapped in the logic of the intermediate stages and the alliance with layers of the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie, where the organizational and programmatic conception was denaturalized and the class composition of the Mexican Communist Party was altered, where the dictatorship of the proletariat, the revolutionary road, democratic centralism, Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internationalism, were renounced, where the internal life of unity and discipline were put aside to give way to groups, permanent currents; where the science of Marxism-Leninism was gradually abandoned to give way to ideological eclecticism, anti-Sovietism, so-called "democratic socialism", to finally renounce the struggle and openly pass into the camp of the ruling class. The dissolution in 1981 was a result of the opportunist and liquidation policy of several decades.

After 13 years, a process for the reorganization of the Communist Party began in 1994, which already was a correct step, but not a complete solution to the problem. In the meantime, the Italian Communist Party, the Communist Party of El Salvador had also been dissolved, and with the temporary triumph of the counterrevolution, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and other communist parties in Eastern Europe were dissolved. Therefore, the reorganization of the PCM takes place in an atmosphere of ideological confusion on different issues, including the very conception of the Party.

Two inaccurate approaches prevailed then, and until the year 2000: 1) the one that considered it was enough to reestablish the Party as it was before the liquidation 2) the one that placed the renunciation of democratic centralism and the entire Leninist theory of organization by considering them responsible for the crisis of the party, in addition to having been historically overcome. Both misguided approaches initially predominated. The study of Marxism-Leninism and the experience of the international communist movement among communist cadres created the conditions for a fruitful discussion within the organic framework, also nourished by the discussions and praxis of the communist movement in Latin America and internationally, for example on emergent subjects, social movements, the left, progressivism, socialism of the XXI century, and alliances.

It was a period of about 10 years to arrive at the IV Congress in 2010 in which the set of characteristics that nourish the full communist identity of the PCM had already appeared.

The Communist Party is the party of the working class, the proletarian party, expressing at all times and in all circumstances the general immediate and historical interests of the workers. Therefore, in every daily struggle we seek to establish the link between the concrete demand and the objective of overthrowing capitalism. This is not a formal question, an intention, it must be materialized by also ensuring a revolutionary strategy and therefore there must be a concordance between the class nature of the Party and its Program, in order to achieve the title of a Party of a New Type.

It is was therefore decisive the study of reality, of new problems and the drafting of the new Party Program adopted at the V Congress held on September 13, 14 and 15 of 2014, where it is clear that between capitalism and socialism there is neither an intermediate station, nor a third way. [3]

The basic points of the new Program are as follows:

• Mexico is a country where capitalism is fully developed, and the socio-class antagonism is the one between capital and labor. Mexico occupies an intermediate and interdependent place in the imperialist system, with asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination, but where monopoly capitalism is strengthened, given the tendency of concentration and centralization of capital.
• The poles of society, of the class struggle, are the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, as the main classes, that is, the capital/labor antagonism. The peasantry underwent radical modifications after NAFTA, and there is a constant tendency towards the proletarianization of the petty bourgeoisie, so that among the middling layers there are popular sectors inclined to participate in a social alliance where the hegemony and leadership are held by the proletariat and its Communist Party.
• The degree of development of capitalism, exploitation, impoverishment, crisis, the contradiction between socially produced wealth and its private appropriation, are objective factors of a new revolution in Mexico that will have a socialist character. The goal of socialism-communism reaches maturity because of the historical limits of capitalism and the overthrow of capitalism is placed on the agenda, and the party of the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism is the Communist Party.
• Both the V like the VI Congress (held on August 3, 4 and 5, 2018) have concluded that for this objective there is a mismatch between objective and subjective conditions (consciousness and organization), and that the factor that determines that the subjective conditions are synchronized with the objective ones is the Communist Party, so that its strengthening is a first order necessity of the revolutionary process in Mexico.

It is under these premises that the development of the PCM is essential and for this we must emerge with an organizational policy that ensures the quantitative and qualitative growth of the Party's militancy and organizations, as well as its work among the proletarian masses.

It is not possible to sustain a class line with ambiguities and therefore the antagonism with the ruling class, the bourgeoisie, must develop irreconcilably. This is obvious, but it can be lost sight of when phenomena such as progressivism, a manifestation of social democracy, appear. We came to the conclusion that contrary to the illusion that it is a road to socialism, in fact it is a form of management of capitalism insofar as the foundations of such a mode of production remain unchanged, among them the ownership of the means of production and the appropriation of socially created wealth that remains in private hands, in the hands of capitalist monopolies, whether private or state; thus, the pernicious role of theories that emerged within the opportunist current of the communist movement is clear, such as post-capitalism, as well as the collaboration with these governments, or participation in them. The proposal of "socialism of the XXI century" that some CPs integrated into their ideological positions is a disguised capitalism. To consider that such actions of capitalism can be more positive than others, that social-democratic/progressive management is better than neoliberal management, leads to a departure from the class position of the Party, and is therefore an inadmissible position. Consequently, the PCM made the decision to separate in 2015 from the Sao Paulo Forum, a grouping of social democratic, communist, and other forces that have a social democratic orientation in general, and the line of opposing the neoliberal management of capitalism without opposing capitalism. The PCM also opposed Obrador's social-democratic government, and opposes that of his successor, Claudia Sheinbaum.

In the last 40 years, the phenomenon of drug trafficking has been acquiring relevance in Mexico's economy and politics, a process of capitalist accumulation that is not on the margins of the State but intertwined with it, with aggressive characteristics against workers, whom it violently recruits for its illegal production process, and which in the last 18 years has resulted in 130,000 disappearances; which appears as a counterrevolutionary shock force against peasants who are dispossessed of their land and against proletarians who protest against open-pit mining. Today this para-economy has a political expression in all the parties of the bourgeoisie and extends its influence to Central America and Ecuador. We do not disdain their paramilitary role.

The class orientation of the Party is also based on the gravitational focus of its activity, which is the working class in its workplaces and also its intervention in the labor and trade union movement; we consider such activity central and experience tells us that each step taken must be evaluated, studied. Through the holding of four worker-union conferences, the militants involved in this important work have specified guidelines, since general slogans are not enough, but these must be specific in relation to each branch of work, union, factory area and even each workplace. The PCM is convinced that the regrouping of workers and their movement from a class perspective is essential for the process of the Socialist Revolution. The "backbone of the party's mass work is the labor-trade union work. It is a militant obligation to carry out the activities of agitation, propaganda and party organization, that is, to act politically first in our workplaces, in the factory corridors, among the unions of the strategic economic sectors, to organize the working class not organized in unions and to strengthen the Communist Party politically and organizationally. Thus, we are affirming that the working class is indeed called upon to emancipate the other oppressed classes. This is important not to lose sight of because the work with the popular sectors is based on this premise. If the working class is not organized or occupying the vanguard in the class struggle, resisting the onslaught of the bosses, the arbitrariness or omissions of the state, and building a revolutionary political alternative, all other struggles will be trapped in the limits of resistance and any attempt by them to go on the offensive will be bloodily suffocated by the state”. [4] The PCM guides its cadres for the articulation of a class-oriented labor and union movement, activity to organize the unemployed, the precarious, and app workers. Today, when the bourgeoisie and the monopolies are preparing an expansion of their activity with neashoring, we are also preparing to intervene from the outset among the workers of the railways that will be built, of the logistics facilities that they plan to set up in various areas of the country.

The line of the class struggle, and the immovable position of the communists in that position, as well as the tragic lessons of the past, give us as a conclusion the vital question of class independence, of the autonomy and independence of the Party; for this reason we consider that the Communist Party is not only the one that creates the subjective conditions of the revolutionary process, but that it is the subjective factor, and therefore has no substitute; we refute based on experience the position that maintains that communists must be the vanguard in the search for a front, movement or alliance capable of producing changes, placing leadership in these articulations and leaving the Party itself as one more force amongst them, which must even sacrifice its leading position for the sake of "unity"; we do not share that vision; the Communist Party is the organizer and leading force of the revolutionary processes, it is the vanguard, and therefore we reject the theory of new unitary political subjects; we consider as very negative the neo-Browderist tendency that predominates in Latin America in which the political action of the working class is deposited by several communist parties in fronts or movements, even organically merging into them, for example currently the Colombian CP through the Historical Pact, the social democratic party headed by Petro, the Bolivian CP through the MAS, the Communist Party of Uruguay through the Broad Front, etc. It is a sure route to liquidation, as were the cases of the CP of El Salvador in the FMLN or the Dominican CP in Fuerza de la Revolución. Of course, the PCM does have a unitary policy and of alliances, but it is not with bourgeois forces, nor with capitalist states, our struggle is for the unity of the working class and a policy of alliances of the working class with the poor peasants, with the popular sectors, with the indigenous peoples in an anti-capitalist, anti-monopoly direction and for workers' and people's power.

We believe that our political intervention must be carried out with autonomy and independence; thus, for example, in the presidential elections of 2024 we have not submitted to the false dilemma between social democrats or neoliberals, but we have presented a communist candidacy that fulfilled the task of unmasking both options as expressions of the party of capital, and of placing in the debate the objective of profound and radical changes.

The independence and autonomy of the Communist Party have always been besieged in our country by the issue of national unity. The proximity to the United States is a political factor, where expansionist and interventionist interests have been constant with several military aggressions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, one of them, that of 1847 that mutilated Mexico by stripping it of more than half of its territory. The bourgeoisie as the ruling class in Mexico constantly profits from the discourse of sovereignty, but with the passage of time its demagogy is demonstrated, and at times when the U.S. government opts for more pressure, in Mexico the discourse of "national unity" is always agitated; the position of the communists is that the bourgeois governments before, and even more so today that the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) exists, do not have the slightest interest in preserving the sovereignty of the country but appeal to national unity to have better conditions in their negotiations with their North American counterparts. The role of the CP is to articulate independently, without putting a pause on the class struggle, the struggle against U.S. interventionism, which is a difference from what happened previously where the policy of national unity was mistakenly promoted. For example, today when the Trump administration is promoting protectionist measures, it exerts strong pressures, and on the other hand the "defense of sovereignty” that the Sheinbaum government makes is the defense of the USMCA, we clearly decided not to be trapped in that logic. But rather to oppose the aggressive measures of the United States while continuing to oppose the anti-worker and anti-popular government of Mexico. The Communist Party is also a fierce opponent of imperialist interstate agreements, such as the one that has existed since 1994 between Canada, Mexico and the United States, and we fight for Mexico's exit from the USMCA.

As part of the class position, the question of women has an essential place; it has been the communists who have been the pioneers in the struggle for the emancipation of women, but today in general there is a bad direction due to the ideas of feminism, which is a bourgeois and petty-bourgeois current, predominating on that front in several CPs. The classist and internationalist communist parties assume that without a clear orientation for the emancipation of women, the unity of the proletariat and therefore the Socialist Revolution will not be conquered. The emancipation of women will be impossible without socialism, but socialism will not be achieved without the broad participation of working women either; the PCM makes efforts in the direction of a movement for the emancipation of working women and at the same time for a greater participation of women not only among the party ranks but also among the cadres, and this implies that at the level of organic life measures are taken to overcome the obstacles objectively in capitalist society and prevent the broad participation of women in political life.

We maintain the validity of Marxism-Leninism as the scientific theory to understand the world and transform it, which has its fundamental conceptions in the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin, with contributions from other revolutionaries, but which cannot be considered schematically but has to be continuously enriched to face a changing reality. It is our duty as communists to bring to life Lenin's idea that Marxism is not a dogma but a guide to action, and this task can only be entrusted to the Party itself, which considers the ideological front as a priority.

The theoretical background of the communist movement is immense, but there are also many contemporary issues on which to enrich the theory.

Among the essential theoretical questions to which the Communist Parties must pay attention today are the following:

-The historical experience of socialist construction; the characteristics that have been shown by the development of the communist socialist mode of production, such as the socialization of the means of production, revolutionary workers' power, the central and scientific planning of the economy, and the incompatibility of commodity relations and socialist relations, 

- The development of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism and its main characteristic as monopoly capitalism, the movements that occur within the imperialist system, at the top, the intermediate countries, and the determination of the weak links, the formation of alliances and blocs of capitalist countries, their antagonisms.

-The changes in production with the scientific-technical revolution in the framework of the fourth industrial revolution, the modifications in the class structure and in the intensification of exploitation.

Theoretical and ideological preparation has allowed us to have quick reflexes in the face of processes such as multipolarity, "anti-fascism", etc.

It is worth emphasizing that the front against opportunism is permanent and vital not only for the activity of the Party, but for its very existence.

It is of course a question of elaborating theory to face the practical questions of the struggle, which we insist cannot be left to the intellectual capacity of some cadres, but to specific organizations of the Party, such as study centers or research groups.

The Communist Party of course pays attention to the theoretical training of its members, which is not acquired anywhere else but in the ranks of the Communist youth and the Party. The cadre schools, the study circles, the theoretical journal, are not accessories, they are essential. We must say that editorial work is also of the utmost importance, since the publication of the books necessary for the self-education of communists cannot be left to bourgeois publishers. It is the Communist Party that has the duty of publishing the classics of Marxism-Leninism and all that literature aimed at strengthening the proletarian worldview and communist culture.

The Communist Party is by nature internationalist, and this is not restricted to solidarity and international relations. In a world where the capitalist crisis, imperialist war, exploitation and barbarism hit the workers and peoples hard, the intervention of the communists is indispensable, which contrasts with the ideological, political and organizational crisis of the international communist movement and the absence of a unified revolutionary strategy is one of the fundamental causes, and in that direction the PCM seeks to make its contribution.

At every moment of the turning point of the class struggle, the conduct of each party in the face of proletarian internationalism is put to the test. Today, with the imperialist war, some parties have passed into the camp of social-patriotism. The PCM, together with other communist parties, has been preparing itself in the course of the previous years by studying the tendencies of imperialism and the sharpening of the antagonisms between the United States and capitalist China. Solidly united, the PCM did not hesitate to characterize the war in Ukraine between the US-EU-NATO and Russia as imperialist, and as imperialist both sides of the conflict. Together with the KKE, PCTE and TKP, initiatives against the imperialist war have been promoted.

The conditions of the imperialist war that threatens to become generalized pose remnants to the activity of the communist parties, both the opposition to barbarism and the search for a revolutionary solution.

A burning issue also for the following years is the migratory flow of workers; the Communist Party has the duty to organize that part of the working class and combat chauvinism and anti-immigrant policies; it is also part of the activity of the CP to organize nationals who emigrate and work in other countries. For the PCM, the organizations of Mexican workers who work in the United States, who are millions, are a strategic issue, and it also fights against the joint anti-immigrant policy of the U.S. and Mexican governments. Although migrants do not consider Mexico as a destination country, the difficult conditions to illegally cross the border into the United States lead thousands, especially the poorest, to establish their temporary or permanent residence; we are seeking to establish links with Haitian and Honduran workers, and organize them along party line. The bourgeoisie seeks to poison Mexican workers and predispose them against migrants, the PCM fights against it, against racism and for solidarity.

We believe that with patience and firmness steps can be taken for spaces for the coordination of the CPs, as well as for in-depth discussions towards the elaboration of a common revolutionary strategy. And of course, because we are convinced that by overcoming a thousand obstacles and the fruit of our effort, the workers' and communist movement will bring about the continuity of the I, II and III International, which is a historical necessity.

Organized under the principle of democratic centralism, with a single discipline, with full ideological, political and organizational unity, the Communist Party developed.

The cell, a base organization, is fundamental for the existence and activity of the Communist Party, since from there the party fabric extends, as an organization of organizations, from lower to higher. We do not conceive of cells, regional committees, Central Committees, as formal instances, but as living organisms that meet, discuss, intervene. There are several dissolving factors that the Party is fighting, one of them is the so-called virtuality that was strongly installed during the pandemic, but this did not happen in the PCM. Only some working commissions were authorized to meet electronically, while the cells and committees taking all the sanitary precautions functioned regularly. At that time, it was reflected that if between 1929 and 1934, when the PCM was outlawed, the operation of the structure and the regular printing of El Machete was maintained, keeping the proportions, in any circumstance it can be done. And there is no obstacle that cannot be overcome.

But just as it is important that each cell meets in a timely manner, the same applies to the meetings of the intermediate committees, the plenary sessions of the CC, and of course the periodicity of the Congresses. Historical experience teaches us that when the Congresses of Communist Parties had to be postponed for long periods, important problems were generated that atrophied the life of the Party.

The consideration that with the triumph of the Great Socialist October Revolution the historic transition from capitalism to socialism was inaugurated is valid. We live on the threshold of the Socialist Revolution, and although at this moment the correlation of forces is adverse, the clash between the forces of labor and capital is inevitable.

The Communist Party is the party of the Revolution, the contemporary party of the Revolution because it expresses the interests of the modern revolutionary class that is the proletariat, because it carries the program of the social revolution that overthrows the outdated capitalist mode of production for the advent of the socialist-communist mode of production, it is the general staff of the working class, educating and organizing it for the seizure of power, and tempering it in previous battles.

Marxist-Leninists know that spontaneism does not reach the objective of the working class taking power and that is why we do not hesitate as professional revolutionaries to give our endeavor, our best effort so that the Communist Party is strong, rooted in the working class, and resolved to fight, whatever the circumstances.