Support of the USSR Communist parties and the international labor movement

Ainur Kurmanov, co-Chairman of the Socialist movement of Kazakhstan

The base of the Comintern was the victorious party-the RKP (b) and, accordingly, Soviet Russia, and then the Soviet Union, as the first working-class state. Hence the leading role of the USSR in supporting the Communist parties and the Comintern as a whole.

The parties born as a result of the October socialist revolution and united by the headquarters of the world revolution, which in those years seemed to be a matter of the near future, in fact, repeated in the subsequent political evolution of the country of Soviets and its leading party.

Naturally, the Communists of Soviet Russia, and then the USSR, helped as the formation of foreign parties, and strengthened them ideologically, trained personnel, providing technical resources, printing houses, documents, weapons. RKP (b) in the early 20's strongly, and sometimes directly, supported all the speeches and revolts of the working class and the emerging Communist parties in Germany, Bulgaria and Estonia, assisted movements in the colonies of imperialist countries.

Subsequently, many of those who passed through this school became at the helm of the new States of "people's democracy" in Eastern Europe, China, Vietnam and other countries after the victory of the USSR in World War II.

The Congress of the Peoples of the East in Baku in August 1920, whose delegates laid the Foundation for the emergence of many Communist parties and trade unions in the colonial countries of the Middle East and China, played a crucial role in promoting the Comintern in Asia.

Without the support of Soviet Russia, this would not have been possible, so we can say that the Communist international was part of the new state, which was considered the cradle of the world Republic of Soviets. It is impossible to separate the Comintern from Soviet Russia and the USSR, and this international headquarters was an instrument of Moscow's revolutionary policy, which was to put an end to capitalism, imperialism and the division of peoples.

International and special structures of the Comintern

Tools in this were not only the parties of the section, but also various branched structures designed to strengthen the influence of the Communists in the workers ' and youth movements. In particular, in accordance with the tactical line in the following years formed a network of adjacent to the Comintern mass organizations - the Young Communist International , the International Organization for the aid of the fighters of the Fighters of the Revolution – MOPR, the Profintern and others. The Young Communist International (KIM) was founded in late November 1919 in Berlin. Since the early 20s, his activities have been closely associated with the Comintern. KIM’s influence extended not only to Communist party youth organizations, but also to student unions and even social democracy youth organizations.

The need for the organization MOPR, was due to political repression of revolutionaries, many of whom died in the struggle or were in prison, as well as assistance to members of their families. At the initiative of a group of old Bolsheviks, the fourth Congress of the Comintern adopted a special decision on the establishment of The international organization for the aid of the fighters of the revolution (MOPR). The resolution of the fifth Congress of the Comintern stated that the Communist parties should provide all possible assistance to the MOPR, promoting the organization of its sections and branches in their countries, committing their members to take an active part in the latter. The party press had to pay due attention to the MOPR in its pages in the matter of agitation and propaganda of assistance to the fighters of the revolution.

In the early 20-ies laid the foundations of branched structures of the Comintern, in which an important role was played by the old Bolshevik Joseph Pyatnitsky, who headed the Department of International Relations (OMS). It was his secret Department, which existed until 1937, became the backbone of the entire Comintern, as in fact organizationally managed and coordinated the activities of the Communist party leadership. Joseph Pyatnitsky was appointed on the recommendation of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin himself, as he valued him for his outstanding work in tsarist times and well-established work on the delivery to Russia from Europe of illegal Bolshevik literature.

Actually OMS was the special service of the Comintern, controlled the financial flows of the supply of foreign parties and the contents of the underground military organizations of the Communist parties, are ready to active interventions in case of a possible intervention against the Soviet Union. That is, as in the case of mass strikes in European countries and the United States of 1919-20 against the war against Soviet Russia, and the presence of paramilitary organizations of Communist parties associated with trade unions, became a deterrent for Britain, Poland and France to unleash a new intervention.

We should not forget that the first threads and networks of Soviet military intelligence and intelligence of the OGPU and the NKVD were built on the basis of an extensive intelligence network of the Comintern, as the Communist parties and movements adjacent to the Comintern, sometimes appeared in countries earlier than the Soviet secret services. This once again shows the inextricable link between the state structures and the structures of the Comintern.

In 20 years you receive four Communist University. The first of them, the Lenin school, was intended for comrades who had already accumulated a lot of practical experience, but deprived of the opportunity to really learn. Future leaders of Communist parties passed through this University. The second was called the Communist University of national minorities of the West. The third was called the Communist University of workers of the East named after I. V. Stalin. The fourth stood out from the third and became known as Sun Yat-Sen University, which was created specifically for the Chinese.

These institutions played a major role in the training of the Comintern Institute of the peoples of the East, existed until 1938. Graduates of these Universities subsequently participated in the formation, and then led the Communist parties, as well as the largest trade unions of colonial countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The formation of networks MOPR, KIM, Profintern cannot be overemphasized for the case of the international Communist and workers ' movement. All of them had their Central offices in Moscow.

Changes in tactics in order to protect the USSR and as a result of a change in foreign policy priorities

Since the late 20s, there has been some shift in the meaning and objectives of the Comintern, especially after the defeat of uprisings and revolutions in Europe and China, as well as the suppression of the General strike in Britain. After the fifth Congress in 1928, to a greater extent, its most important task is to protect the USSR from external threats in the face of intervention.

This did not mean abandoning the world revolution, but rather set the task of more thorough preparation of uprisings, carrying out serious work on training military personnel, the formation of covert armed groups and detachments ready to deploy guerrilla and sabotage work within the aggressor countries. That is, from the first cavalry attack on capitalism, there was a transition to a positional war, when it was necessary to win back trade unions, mass organizations, participating in painstaking work.

Then, after the ultimatum of Lord Curzon, and up to 1939-40 years, the threat of a new intervention by Britain and France remained quite relevant. We now know from archival data that hatched various plans of attack on the USSR, including during and after the war with Finland. Therefore, the task of protecting the world's first workers ' state became an urgent requirement of the moment, and Paris and London, together with Warsaw, were considered the main opponents in Europe and potential aggressors.

The Soviet Union faced through the Comintern in its foreign policy in the countries, as it is now fashionable to say, the third world, with these colonial empires. Therefore, the full support of the national liberation movement in these countries, with the participation of emerging Communist parties, was an important means of undermining empires in their colonies, and the poor and the peasant mass became a reserve for the upcoming world revolution.

The Comintern has been active in the colonies, fighting British imperialism, historians say. According to them, at this time a significant number of those who destroyed the world colonial system after the war were trained in the USSR.

Changes in work in the late 20-ies did not mean unification with the social Democrats, but on the contrary, in the same Germany, the forces of the Communist party were directed to fight against the ruling SPD, as the backbone of the bourgeois Weimar Republic. The social Democrats seemed even more evil, remembering the white terror using the forces of the ruthless hosted by Ebert and Noske in 1919 and 1920, than the mass of the petty-bourgeois fascist movement.

Therefore, the erroneous thesis of "social fascism" found such support not only in the leadership and middle management of the parties, but also in many ordinary Communists.

It is in the perspective of the situation and is worth considering the efforts of the VKP (b) and the IKKI. The changing international situation and the global crisis of capitalism of 1929, which influenced the so-called "left turn" of the Comintern and some of the ultra-left ideas and thoughts of its leadership, including its head Bel kun, had a significant impact on the change of tactics and strategy of the Comintern.

However, then it was the position of the majority including the leadership of the USSR. In addition to political changes, there were significant organizational changes that further tied the Communist parties to a single center, that is, to Moscow. The sixth Congress adopted the program and Charter of the Communist international, which stated that this organization is a "United world Communist party".

The Program enshrined the strict centralization of the leadership of the Communist parties and the requirement of " international Communist discipline", which should be expressed" in the unconditional implementation by all Communists of the decisions of the governing bodies of the Communist international." Congress's support of Stalin's line strengthened his line in the fight against " right-wing " tendencies, in particular against Bukharin. Speaking with the political report of the Central Committee at the fourteenth Congress of the VKP(b) Stalin said: "...Our construction struggle is international, is international in its significance, for our country is the base of the international revolution, for our country is the main lever for development of the international revolutionary movement, and if we have here the construction is in proper tempo, it means that we its work in the international revolutionary movement on all the other channels are doing so as required by the party."[1]

Stalin in his speech at the VII enlarged Plenum of the IKKI said: "... the Victory of the proletarian revolution in one country is not an end in itself, but a means and a help for the development and victory of the revolution in all countries. Therefore, to build socialism in the U.S.S.R. means to do the common work of the proletarians of all countries, it means to forge a victory over capital not only in the U.S.S.R., but also in all capitalist countries, for the revolution in the U.S.S.R. is part of the world revolution, its beginning and the base of its".[2]

The impending world war and the change in the line of the Comintern

The rearmament of the Red Army, industrialization, and collectivization in the Soviet Union presupposed an even greater centralization of the workers ' state in order to actively oppose the forces of imperialism in the future world war. These processes of the middle and second half of the 30s had a direct impact on the Comintern. This, of course, was influenced by global processes and events in Europe, the main of which was the strengthening of fascism and militarism.

The rise of Hitler and the national socialists to power in Germany led to the prohibition of the Communist party, the destruction of the organized labor movement, and the revival of German militarism, eager for revenge after the defeat in the first world war. One of the main pillars of the ideology of the Nazi NSDAP was militant anti-communism and the destruction of the Soviet Union as a "hotbed of world Bolshevism." Therefore, over red Moscow hung even greater danger, as was obvious to the Soviet leaders the approach of a new world war.

The victory of the Nazis in the most important capitalist country of Central Europe was a truly tangible defeat of the Comintern, realized until the end only in 1934. Lenin and the Bolsheviks from the very beginning regarded Germany as the most developed industrial country on the continent, the workers ' revolution in which was to be the main guarantee of the success of the world revolution. Despite the failures of 1919-20 and 1923, the strongest German working class with a deep and long tradition of class struggle was the backbone of the Comintern's strategy to develop the revolutionary process in Europe.

The defeat of the largest German Communist party in Europe, followed by the SPD and the trade unions, the repression of the best representatives of the German working class, made it impossible to follow the old line and in fact brought down the old construction of ideas about the practical implementation of the "German October". The tactics called "class against class" developed at the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, and the thesis of " social fascism " against the background of the deployment of the mass fascist movement, began to be criticized within the parties, and the left course of the ICCI was at that moment in crisis.

It was necessary to find a new line that could withstand the fascist threat. In addition, there was another important event that changed the place of the Soviet country in Europe. On September 18, 1934, the General Assembly of the League of Nations adopted a resolution on the admission of the USSR to the League and the inclusion of its representative in its Council as a permanent member. In the mid-1930s, due to the growing threat from fascist Germany, fascist Italy and militaristic Japan, the governments of some States began to seek cooperation with the USSR both within the League of Nations and outside it.

On September 15, 1934, thirty delegates of the League of Nations addressed the Soviet government with a telegram inviting the USSR to join the League and "bring their valuable cooperation". The bourgeois circles of France and England, as well as Czechoslovakia, then seriously began to consider the possibility of concluding a military agreement with the USSR to confront the rising Nazi Germany.

All these conditions created a basis for the adoption in 1935 in the Seventh Congress of the Comintern the Communist parties tactics wide fronts, called "folk" in order to form temporary alliances with social democracy and even with some Republican and liberal bourgeois forces to counter the reactionary groups and fascism. This course will last in one form or another until the seventies, and political systems in Eastern Europe and China will even be called "people's democracies "for some time.

It can be assumed that the tactics of the "popular fronts", theoretically justified, brought to its perfection by the theory of stages, proclaimed in 1935 by the new head of the IKKI Georgy Dimitrov, actually served the interests of the USSR. At this point, the Comintern began to turn into a Soviet foreign policy tool and means of combating fascism. The Communist parties in such unions and blocs, even at the moment of success in the elections in France and Spain, were in the minority and sacrificed their program.

In China, this policy in the mid-and late 30's manifested itself in the form of repeated attempts by the leadership of the Comintern to unite the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, led by Mao Zedong, in a single front to fight the aggression of Japan. I must say that this tactic was not quite successful, as in 1927. A large flow of arms was then coming from the USSR to arm both Chiang Kai-shek's army and parts of the red Army of China, which formally entered the United army. Chinese Communists and red army soldiers continued to be periodically subjected to armed attacks by the Kuomintang and the provisional Union only temporarily extinguished the civil war.

But the most serious test of this new line of the Comintern took place during the Spanish civil war.


In this country, even before the government of the "Popular Front" came to power, the situation was revolutionary, and class battles and uprisings broke out in 1931 and 1934. The Communist Party, acting on the instructions of the ECCI, finally adopted the strategy of the "theory of stages" and considered the events in the country as a bourgeois-democratic stage, when only required to confine the protection of the Republic against Franco.

This, in our opinion, was a major mistake of the Communist party of Spain and the Comintern, which favor the preservation of the front with the liberals and Republicans have actually narrowed the social base of support of the regime and the revolutionary upsurge of the workers and peasant masses in 1936, eager for social change, has been replaced in 1938-39 on the decline, apathy and demoralization.

However, the struggle in Spain against the reactionary fascist forces and the Italian and German invaders had huge progressive momentum throughout Europe, as shown by the ability to turn the tide and stop the fascism. The heroic defense of Madrid, the formation of interbrigades at the call of the Comintern led to the mobilization of Communist parties, including Italian and German Communists.

To help the Spanish Republic came 42 thousand foreigners from 54 countries, up to 35 thousand of them participated in hostilities as part of 7 international brigades and 3 separate international battalions, some served in the armed forces of Spain, and medical personnel — in hospitals, hospitals and other medical institutions.

At the same time, the government of the "Popular Front" in France under pressure from the UK suddenly announced "non-interference in Spanish Affairs" and broke the agreement on the supply of weapons to the Republic. Sympathetic to the Spanish Republicans, French Prime Minister Leon Blum and aviation Minister Pierre Cote sent them only a small batch of obsolete aircraft without weapons. France subsequently declared a complete arms embargo on Spain.

Then the imperfect agreement on" non-interference "signed by all European States, September 9 in the League of Nations began the work of a special " Committee of non-interference in Spanish Affairs." Then, in the midst of the war, the figures of the Second international in Brussels also joined this line of non-intervention. That is, almost all those on whom Dimitrov counted in the conclusion of agreements for the creation of «popular fronts", refused to support the Republican Spain, fighting against the francoists and helping them with the fascists of Italy and Germany.

All the weight of support for Republican Spain fell on the shoulders of the USSR. Thus, in the Spanish civil war fought more than 5 thousand volunteers from the Soviet Union, including 763 aviators. Many of them received government awards, and 36 aviators were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union, some of them posthumously. In addition, in the fighting on the government side of the Spanish Republic participated 2065 citizens of the USSR (772 military pilots, 351 tankers, 100 gunners, 77 sailors, 222 military advisers, 339 technical and other advisers and 204 translators).[3]

Unfortunately, until the mid-70s, a rigid ultra-right military dictatorship was established in the country.

Second World War

With the outbreak of world war II in a number of countries, the Communist parties, in particular in France, advocated the recognition of the war imperialist and refusal to support one of the belligerents. As a result, the government launched a campaign of persecution of Communists, some of whom were arrested and then transferred after the occupation of France into the hands of the Nazis.

The situation changed radically after the attack of Hitler's Germany on the USSR. The outbreak of war against the Soviet Union led to the mobilization of Communist parties and to the strengthening of the work of the Executive Committee of the Comintern to deploy guerrilla action in countries occupied by the Nazis or under the heel of collaborationist regimes. The defense of the USSR was one of the main tasks of the Communist parties, and they contributed to the defeat of Nazism, acting in the occupied countries or collecting aid for the red Army.

Even before the war with the USSR, at the V underground conference of the Communist party of Yugoslavia in Zagreb, held in October 1940, Tito became the General Secretary of the party. After the Nazi attack on Yugoslavia in 1941, the partisan Communist movement led by Tito launched a large-scale war against the occupiers and collaborators.

Despite the dissolution of the Communist party of Poland by the decision of the Executive Committee of the Comintern in 1938, which was declared "wrecking", January 5, 1942 in occupied Warsaw was held the founding conference of the Polish workers ' party, which was attended by members of Communist groups operating in Poland since 1938. PPR leaders were former employees of mid-level apparatus of the Communist party in the 1920-1930th years — Marceli Nowotko, Paul finder, Malgorzata Fornalsky and Boleslaw Maloes, abandoned in the occupied territory.

March 1, 1941 Bulgaria joined the Tripartite Pact. Following this, on March 6, 1941, G. Dimitrov issued a Declaration on the need to start a national liberation struggle against fascism. On June 22, 1941, the leadership of the Bulgarian workers ' party (the legal wing of the BCP) issued an appeal calling on the Bulgarian people "to fight against German fascism and support the just struggle of the USSR."

On June 26, 1941, the first partisan detachment was formed in the Razlog area, commanded by Nikola Parapunov ("Vlado"), Secretary of the BRP district Committee in Gorna jumaya.

In the future, BCP Combat groups destroyed the country's military production and communications used by the Pro-German Bulgarian government against the USSR, and well-known Bulgarian collaborators. Summer 1942 BRP (k) was created the Fatherland front. In March 1943, the people's liberation rebel army was established on the basis of guerrilla groups.

The same work on the deployment of the guerrilla movement was successfully carried out in Greece, Albania, France, and later in 1943 in Italy, where the most effective and massive rebel armies were formed under the influence or control of the Communists. Greek EAM-ELAS in General own forces cleared the territory of the country from invaders by 1944, and the people's liberation army of Yugoslavia (NOAYU) also became the main force of resistance to fascism and nationalist collaborators.

At the beginning of the Soviet Union and the Red Army could not provide effective material assistance to the partisan and underground work of the Communist parties of Europe, but the victories of Soviet weapons over the army of the most developed capitalist country and its satellites at Stalingrad, Kursk, Ukraine and Belarus gave an incredible impetus to the entire resistance, rallied around the Communists the advanced forces of workers and peasants of the occupied countries.

Subsequently, the liberation of Eastern and Central Europe from Hitler's troops and their allies directly contributed to the coming to power of the Communists as part of the coalition governments, and the struggle of the partisan Communist movement with collaborators actually had under it elements of revolutionary struggle and civil war with bourgeois and fascist forces.

Dissolution of the Comintern

In 1943, it was decided to Dissolve the Comintern. Actually, at the time of liquidation, a number of parties had different positions, and the leadership of IKKI was in a political crisis. Nevertheless, we consider the dissolution of the Comintern a political mistake. Despite some disagreements and shortcomings, the headquarters of the international Communist movement coordinated the work of the organizations, and the possibility in the future to overcome all the shortcomings and correct mistakes was not exhausted. Especially as dissolution occurred when in war after Stalingrad there was a turn in favor of the USSR.

This dissolution at the time of the victorious campaign of the red Army created the preconditions for the loss of political unity and ideological solidity of the Communist movement in the future.

Georgy Dimitrov in his memoirs referred to the words of Stalin during a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the VKP (b) in may 1943, where the issue of dissolution of the Comintern was decided. The leader of the USSR justified this decision by the changed political conditions as a result of the development of the world war.

"Experience has shown that under Marx and Lenin, it is now impossible to direct the workers' movement of all countries of the world from one international center. Especially now, in the conditions of war, when the Communist parties in Germany, Italy and other countries have the task to overthrow their governments and carry out the tactics of defeatism, and the Communist parties of the USSR, England, America, etc., on the contrary, have the task to fully support their governments for the speedy defeat of the enemy. We overestimated their strength when he made K. I. and thought I would be able to direct the movement in all countries. It was our mistake. The further existence of KI will discredit the idea of the international, which we do not want," - G. Dimitrov writes.[4]

The head of the Comintern gave further arguments related to the fact that the Communist parties were accused of ties with Moscow, when there was a single international. In addition, this step was needed to cover the coming to power of the Communists within the governments of "people's democracies". As if the dissolution of the organization was made for the future.

"There is another motive for the dissolution of KI, which is not mentioned in the resolution. This is the fact that the Communist parties included in the KI are falsely accused that they are allegedly agents of a foreign state, and this interferes with their work among the masses. With the dissolution of KI, this trump card is knocked out of the hands of enemies. This step will undoubtedly strengthen the Communist parties as national workers ' parties and at the same time strengthen the internationalism of the masses, the basis of which is the Soviet Union," - G. Dimitrov continues.[5]

But practice has shown the fallacy of this approach, as the traditional Communist parties associated with the USSR until its destruction, and with the dissolution of the Comintern structures Communist party leaders were able to creatively "develop" Marxism, based on their national conditions, which became a disastrous trend. It is from this judgment came out, such as the current titoism, hoxhaism, Maoism, Juche, Eurocommunism and other isms that led to the departure from Orthodox Bolshevik revolutionary provisions of the theory and created the ground for revisionism and reformism.

This was in fact largely the desire of local leaders to adjust ideology to specific local opportunistic tasks based on their own strength and was the justification for voluntarism and strengthening their own power.

The establishment on 22 September 1947 at a conference in the Polish city of Szklarska poręba Communist information Bureau from among the parties of the USSR, BNR, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Czech Republic, Yugoslavia, France and Italy have not been able to fill the vacuum is the absence of the Comintern and replace it in the international arena. The weakness of the Cominform was manifested in the breakaway from the Soviet bloc and the Warsaw Pact of the SFRY led by the head of the Communist party of Yugoslavia Joseph Broz Tito, which was the first serious signal to the world Communist movement and was a direct result of the dissolution of the Comintern.

Already in April 1956, by the decision of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the parties included in the information Bureau, its activities and the publication of the newspaper "For lasting peace, for people's democracy!", published in foreign languages, were discontinued. This was largely due to the fact that Nikita Khrushchev after the events in Hungary decided to make peace with Joseph Broz Tito, as this structure branded him as a "fascist" and "traitor". As a result, the cadres of the Comintern and Cominform migrated to the international Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but were already subordinated to the tasks of one party, without any claims to the revival of the structures of the centralized Communist movement.

The result of this process was the emergence in Europe in the late 60-ies of such a trend as "Eurocommunism", which influenced the mindset of many Communists around the world and even the socialist camp. The postulates of this opportunistic trend were already the complete opposite of the ideas of the Communist international and led a number of parties to the abyss and decay.

Soviet assistance in establishing Communist party power through the governments of "people's democracies" in Eastern Europe and China

However, despite the dissolution of the Comintern, the role of the USSR and the VKP b) in the coming to power of the Communists in a number of countries in Eastern and Central Europe, as well as China and Indochina was decisive. In General, the emergence of new socialist countries was the result of the victory of the Soviet Union in world war II. Although the period of revolutionary guerrilla warfare in Eastern and southern Europe was accompanied by elements of civil war. And the great merit of the victorious Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army lies in the fact that many reactionary, collaborationist and monarchical regimes were swept away.

Following the Red Army, which pressed the troops of Nazi Germany and its satellites, governments and committees loyal to the USSR were created, which included representatives of the Communist parties and the left wing of social democratic parties, peasant associations and other left forces. This policy of founding left-wing coalition governments was called "people's democracy", and was largely a continuation of the policy of the" people's front", but in new conditions under the domination of the armed forces of the Red Army.

After the entry of Soviet troops into Poland in July 1944, the Polish national liberation Committee was formed in Lublin, which became a real government, an alternative to London. In Romania, in August of the same year, with the participation of Communist party militants and the effective role of king Mihai, the dictator Antonescu was arrested at the Royal Palace in Bucharest, and then a new government was established that declared war on Germany.

The overthrow of the monarchical regime in Bulgaria, the final liberation of Yugoslavia from Germans and local fascists of different stripes, the socialist revolution of 1947 in Czechoslovakia everywhere led to the formation of new authorities led by Communists and forces close to them. The main feature of the proclamation of this process of establishing the republics of "people's democracy" was a cover from accusations of Sovietization of the countries liberated by the Soviet Union.

Indeed, rapid Sovietization and socialization were out of the question, but the course was clear and obvious – it was aimed at the gradual displacement of capitalism, the nationalization of industry and agrarian reform in favor of the peasants. Without the Soviet Union and the Red Army, this turn of the "popular fronts" towards socialism would have been impossible. In these cases, various socialists, trade unionists, peasant leaders and petty-bourgeois figures were junior partners of the Communist parties, not vice versa.

There was a downside to that. In Italy and France, as well as in Greece, such tactics of "popular fronts" and following the theory of stages led to a number of mistakes. In particular, the disarmament of many rebel groups and armies that waged war against the Nazis and collaborators and participated in the liberation of their countries. In fact, they were in power or controlled large areas, but abandoned their positions and armed groups in favor of "elections" in which they lost or became victims of terror and repression.

The coming to power of the Communist party of China actually contradicted the very idea of the " people's front", as the last stage of the civil war from 1946-49 was a fierce struggle between the CPC and the Kuomintang. As a result of the formation of the People's Republic of China radically changed the balance of power in Asia, as in China increased the influence of the Soviet Union, the country's troops permanently withdrew the United States and Britain, there was a demilitarization of the Yangtze river. But most importantly, China has completely moved to the path of socialist construction, and Mao Zedong began to interfere in the internal Affairs of other countries in Southeast Asia, for example, Korea and Vietnam.

Without the support of the Soviet Union, this would not have been possible. For example, in may 1946 the Red Army began to withdraw its units from Manchuria. At the same time, the Red Army evacuated factories, enterprises and arsenals, so that the Kuomintang did not receive a military and technical advantage in the war. Part of the Soviet ammunition and equipment went to the People's Liberation Army of China (PLA). Among them, the Japanese trophies in the form 3700 guns and mortars, 600 tanks, 860 planes, 12 thousand machine guns, 680 various military depots.

In the days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong said: “If there was no Soviet Union, if Japanese imperialism was not defeated... how could we win under such circumstances? Of course not![6]

The Comintern was needed in the 40s and 50s to coordinate the arrival of Communists to power, to develop a General plan for socialist development, to preserve ideological unity and a program of struggle. A single center of the Communist movement would have been important during the victorious offensive of the Red Army and the deployment of the anti-colonial revolution after the end of the world war.


Therefore, if we consider Stalin's thesis that the USSR was the bulwark of the world revolution and the spread of socialism throughout the world, it was true. The victory of the world's first workers ' state in world war II actually led to a revolution of anti-colonial revolution and the fall of empires.

After 1945, many Nations embarked on the path of the national liberation movement, in which the Communists played an important role, and with independence followed the socialist path. Economic support for the peoples fighting against imperialism, including weapons, has become an important factor in changing the balance of power between capitalism and socialism in the world.

Historical practice has shown that the world revolutionary process and the spread of socialism is not due to a momentary impulse, that the key to its success lies not in the victorious uprising of the German workers in Germany, but in the fact that it is the workers ' state, relying on the planned economy and the Red Army, supports the deployment of Communist forces on different continents.

Many trade unions came into existence thanks to the Communists, as did the World Federation of Trade Unions. These processes of revival of the structures of the labor movement were directly influenced by the USSR. Therefore, the influence on these processes of the Soviet Union and the headquarters of the world revolution had a decisive influence on the change in the face of the world. The Communist parties, as heirs of October and the Comintern, must come to ideological unity and find ways to create a new international at the moment of the next round of the international capitalist crisis and the danger of a new world war.

Already the next generations of the working class and youth must complete the heroic work of the pioneers and overthrow the power of capital throughout the world at a new historical turn.


[2]. I.V. Stalin: VII EXTENDED Plenum of the IKKI, vol. 9., p. 15

[3] Soviet assistance in the Spanish Civil War

[4] The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933-1949. Yale University Press, 2012. – 271 p.

[5] The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933-1949. Yale University Press, 2012. – 276 p.

[6] Mao Zedong: "On the Dictatorship of People's Democracy." Selected Works, vol. 4. - Beijing, Publishing House of Literature in Foreign Languages, 1976. - pp. 501-518.